In 1971 the 2 events had come collectively for the primary time to face the polls when the Lok Sabha and Assembly elections have been held concurrently. At that point, there have been two Congress events – Congress (Ruling or Requisitionists) and Congress (Organisation) – within the wake of the well-known cut up in 1969. Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was the face of the Congress (R) whereas Jagjivan Ram was the celebration president. In the Congress (O), former Karnataka Chief Minister S. Nijalingappa was the chief and Kamaraj, its guiding drive in Tamil Nadu.
By the time the Lok Sabha was dissolved in late December 1970, the DMK, which got here to energy in March 1967 after thrashing the Congress on the hustings, had turn into nearer to the Congress (R). In 1969, the Dravidian main had supported the candidature of V.V. Giri, who had the oblique backing of the Prime Minister and her supporters, within the presidential election. Giri ultimately received, defeating the Congress’ official nominee N. Sanjiva Reddy. In Parliament, the DMK supported the Union authorities’s measures, thought of progressive within the Nineteen Sixties – financial institution nationalisation and the abolition of privy purses (Constitutionally-guaranteed tax-free funds made to former rulers of princely States after they joined India publish 1947) – because the ruling celebration on the Centre had been decreased to a minority within the Lok Sabha and it needed to rely upon smaller events for help.
After assembly the Prime Minister in New Delhi on December 31, 1970, the then Chief Minister Karunanidhi hinted in Chennai subsequent day that he most well-liked simultaneous elections to the Assembly and the Lok Sabha ballot, though he denied then that he had mentioned with Indira Gandhi the problem of dissolution of the Assembly, which had one 12 months to go. Four days later, speaking to reporters after the official communique on the Assembly dissolution, the Chief Minister stated frequent elections would result in “administrative stagnation and are available in the best way of implementing programmes and insurance policies already determined upon apart from creating difficulties to the individuals.” (The Hindu, January 5, 1971). Members of the celebration’s Executive and the General Council have been of the view that though the current Ministry might have continued for yet another 12 months, it will be “applicable to have each the elections concurrently within the bigger curiosity of the individuals,” the report added, quoting Karunanidhi.
On the Opposition entrance, shedding their 30-year-long rivalry in politics, Kamaraj and the founding father of the Swatantara celebration, C. Rajagopalachari (Rajaji or CR), had teamed as much as throw the DMK out of energy. In the earlier Assembly election, CR was accountable for stitching up a formidable coalition towards the Congress, which had misplaced energy within the ballot. It was towards this backdrop that the DMK had determined to tie up with the Congress (R) within the State, which had leaders together with C. Subramaniam (CS) and R.V. Swaminathan (RVS). At that point, the Congress (R) was thought of weaker than the Congress (O), which commanded the loyalty of many of the rank and file.
Even although the DMK and the Congress (R) determined to face the citizens collectively, they hit a roadblock over sharing of seats, each in quantity and the collection of constituencies. The Congress (R) had begun looking for the allotment of 20 Lok Sabha seats and 67 Assembly seats, a requirement that the ruling celebration within the State might sick afford to concede. The DMK, which was initially keen to allot six Lok Sabha and 20 Assembly seats to the nationwide celebration, needed to accommodate 5 different events in its coalition and the events have been the Communist Party of India (CPI), Praja Socialist Party (PSP), Tamil Arasu Kazhagam (TAK), Forward Bloc, and the Muslim League. So, it had despatched its Industries Minister S. Madhavan to Delhi to satisfy the PM however the situation remained unresolved as he couldn’t meet Indira Gandhi, who was busy with “her celebration affairs and the go to of the Canadian Prime Minister [Pierre Elliott Trudeau],” (The Hindu, January 13, 1971).
A go to by Indira Gandhi to Chennai per week later didn’t assist issues. At the Raj Bhavan, she together with CS, held an hour-long assembly with Karunanidhi, V. R. Nedunchezhian, who was no. 2 within the Cabinet and the overall secretary of the DMK, and Madhavan. The DMK supremo advised journalists after the assembly that the talks have been “passable although progressing slowly and steadily,” whereas the Prime Minister indicated her “fingers off” strategy in direction of the problem. “People listed here are able to settling these issues by themselves,” she stated. (The Hindu, January 20, 1971). Interestingly, she acquired a memorandum from Okay. S. Ekambaram, secretary of the South Madras district unit of her celebration by which the latter had sought her permission for the State unit to combat the elections by itself if the Dravidian main didn’t give it a “sizable quantity” of seats for the Lok Sabha and State Assembly.
As no breakthrough was achieved over the talks with the DMK, the TNCC (R) Working Committee, at an emergency assembly a few days later, requested the celebration to take “critical steps” to contest the elections both alone or in alliance with different “progressive events.” The State unit was insistent on contesting in 12 Lok Sabha seats. At the identical time, the working committee was not for an entire break with the DMK.
On the night time of January 24, the ruling celebration within the State introduced its first checklist of candidates for 169 Assembly and 26 Lok Sabha constituencies, whilst the method of submitting of nomination papers had begun. On the identical day, the Congress (R) got here out with its checklist of nominees for seven Lok Sabha seats and the checklist included CS for Coimbatore and RVS for Sivaganga. Subramanaim had even stated his celebration had deliberate to contest in 12 to fifteen Lok Sabha constituencies and the denial of 4 constituencies – Coimbatore, Tiruchengode, Sivaganga and Chengalpattu – had led his celebration to launch its checklist. Three days later, Karunanidhi introduced that the discuss with the Congress (R) had failed. He added that his celebration had provided 9 Lok Sabha seats and 15 Assembly seats to them whereas the opposite celebration caught to its demand for 10 Lok Sabha and 20 Assembly seats.
Meanwhile, sections of the functionaries within the Congress (R) had began criticising the perspective of CS and RVS in direction of the problem of seat sharing. Okay.T. Kosalram, who had been a member of the State Assembly between 1946 and 1967 [and who was later elected from the erstwhile Tiruchendur Lok Sabha constituency thrice (1977, 1980 and 1984), decide to quit the post of general secretary of the State unit, as a mark of protest against his senior colleagues’ style of functioning. He accused the two of being “concerned only about their seats” without having the “interests of the ‘cadres” in the provision of seat, according to this newspaper on January 28.
When it looked that the Congress (R) was about to part its ways with the Dravidian major, the talks between the two parties were resumed on the night of January 29 at the initiative of the Prime Minister when a final bid to reach accord was made, The Hindu reported on January 31.In his autobiography, Nenjukku Needhi, (volume 2), Karunanidhi records that he received mid-night calls from Indira Gandhi and her adviser-cum-trouble-shooter G. Parthasarathi, who had wanted him to set apart 20 Assembly and 10 Lok Sabha seats for the party. He conveyed to them that he would not be able to share any Assembly seat but would consider allotting a few more Lok Sabha seats. On January 30 came the shocker that the Congress (R), while striking a deal with the DMK, had decided to forego its claim for the Assembly seats. However, it would contest in 10 Lok Sabha seats including Puducherry. A pact to this effect was signed by RVS and Nedunchezhian. As CS knew that there would be sections in his party which would hold him responsible for the understanding, he chose to opt himself out of the electoral race, a decision that he, in his memoirs “Hand of Destiny” (volume 3) [which was released in 2010, ten years after the death of CS], attributed to “my disagreement with Indira Gandhi’s humiliating cope with Karunanidhi on seat sharing.” However, his clarification in 1971 was that he shouldn’t get himself tied as much as any specific constituency however consider the election marketing campaign and celebration propaganda. But, Swaminathan didn’t have any such compunction. So, he entered the fray in Madurai. The remaining eight seats have been: Tirutanni, Cuddalore, Tindivanam, Mettur, Krishnagiri, Karur, Sivakasi and Tenkasi.
Karunanidhi, who hailed the settlement as “an incredible victory,” identified that in 5 out of the ten seats allotted to the Congress, his celebration had initially named its candidates however as a sequel to the accord, the DMK would withdraw its nominees. CS had acknowledged that there is perhaps “understanding” among the many celebration staff on the end result however he expressed the hope that they’d “recognize that the choice was taken on the recommendation and with the concurrence of the Congress (R) excessive command,” this newspaper acknowledged.
As anticipated by him, noisy scenes have been witnessed within the workplace of the State unit of the Congress (R) when Subramaniam and Swaminathan arrived. Some members shouted “Shame, disgrace” and “Down, down with CS and RVS.” The press convention of Subramaniam was interrupted by sure celebration members, who demanded that he clarify why he accepted the DMK’s provide. A couple of days later, D. Sanjivayya, Union Minister of Industry, got here to Chennai because the emissary of the Congress (R) president, to discover the potential for securing a “affordable quantity” of Assembly seats for his celebration however his mission led to failure as he couldn’t meet Karunanidhi. N V. Natarajan. Labour Minister known as on the visiting chief and advised him that Karunanidhi felt “embarrassed”- to satisfy him and say “no.” The DMK’s place was that seat changes would have been attainable on the preliminary phases but it surely was “too late now to do something,” The Hindu wrote on February 4. Around the identical time, Swaminathan advised a press convention that he had signed the settlement with the DMK “on the occasion of the celebration excessive command.”
On February 14, throughout her go to to Hyderabad, Indira Gandhi, in an interplay with journalists, described as “unlucky” the settlement of her celebration with the D.M.Okay. in Tamil Nadu and stated “phone traces have been down and all issues occurred concurrently.” Next day, in Tiruchi, Karunanidhi agreed with the Prime Minister’s assertion that “phone traces have been down.”
All the controversy was forgotten when the individuals of the State exercised their franchise in March 1971. The DMK-led entrance bagged all however one Lok Sabha seat (Nagercoil), which was received by Kamaraj. With regard to the Assembly ballot, the coalition had inflicted a crushing defeat on the alliance stitched by Kamaraj and CR, because the Dravidian main itself bagged 184 seats, a report that is still unparalleled for any celebration. Besides, the ruling celebration’s allies received 21 seats.
As the Congress (R) bought an amazing majority on the all India stage, Indira Gandhi took CS into her Cabinet once more in April and Subramaniam, after a spot of 4 years, re-entered the Lok Sabha on his election from Krishnagiri in a by-election. RVS needed to watch for 9 extra years to turn into a Union Minister. He served as Union Minister of State for Agriculture throughout 1980-83 when Indira Gandhi was the Prime Minister.
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